Stakeholders
Navigating Myanmar’s Stakeholder Landscape
Township Control Breakdown by Authority
Key Stakeholders in Myanmar
All Stakeholders
ABSDF: All Burma Students' Democratic Front
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
1998 Nov
Number of personnel:
3000
Member:
NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement)
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
KIA, KNLA, NUG, PDFs
Background
All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF) is a prominent political organization in Myanmar with a rich historical background dating back to the late 1980s. Formed in the aftermath of the 1988 uprising against the military regime, the ABSDF was initially a student-led resistance group that played a crucial role in the pro-democracy movement. The organization comprised students and activists who sought to challenge the oppressive military rule and advocate for democratic reforms in Myanmar. The ABSDF engaged in armed resistance against the military junta, with members facing significant risks and sacrifices, including arrests, torture, and even executions.
Over the years, the ABSDF underwent internal divisions and challenges, leading to the formation of competing factions within the organization. Despite these internal struggles, the ABSDF continued its resistance efforts and maintained its commitment to the pro-democracy cause. The ABSDF’s activities extended beyond armed struggle to include political advocacy, information dissemination, and engagement in ceasefire talks with the government. The organization signed a state-level ceasefire agreement in 2013, reflecting its willingness to participate in peace initiatives while upholding its core principles.
Current Status
All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF) is currently engaged in various activities and initiatives to oppose the military junta in Myanmar. Recent news from the ABSDF website highlights their opposition to the junta, emphasizing their stance against the military regime. Additionally, the ABSDF has been actively making their opposition clear through statements and actions, particularly on the 33rd anniversary of their founding in November 2021. The ABSDF continues to play a significant role in the pro-democracy movement in Myanmar, advocating for democracy, human rights, and political reforms in the country amidst the ongoing political turmoil and challenges posed by the military regime.
Financing System
Specific details about the ABSDF’s financial system are not explicitly provided in the search results. However, like many political organizations, the ABSDF likely relies on various sources of funding, including contributions from supporters, revenue from economic activities, and potentially external support from international partners or alliances within Myanmar’s political landscape. The ABSDF’s involvement in ceasefire talks and its continued presence in the political arena demonstrate its enduring commitment to promoting democracy, human rights, and ethnic equality in Myanmar.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Bilin
- Thaton
- Kyaikto
- Kyaukkyi
- Mogoke
- Nawnghkio
- Namhkan
- Mongmit
- Indaw
- Tamu
- Kawlin
- Pinlebu
- Yinmarbin
- Pale
- Gangaw
Control townships
—
BGF: Border Guard Forces
Pro-SAC
Founded Date:
2009 April
Number of personnel:
8000
Member:
–
Current Status:
Alliances with SAC
Alliances:
SAC
Background
The Border Guard Forces (BGF) in Myanmar are militarized units that were established as part of a military strategy to pacify ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) in the late 2000s. These forces, under the command of the Myanmar military, are strategically positioned along the Chinese and Thai frontiers in areas adjacent to territories controlled by ethnic armed groups. The BGFs play a crucial role in the military’s counter-insurgency efforts, serving as a force multiplier against major EAOs by providing battlefield intelligence, logistics support, and troops.
The BGF leaders have close ties with the ruling junta and are granted autonomy to engage in illicit business activities, which include establishing corporate conglomerates across Myanmar. These enterprises generate funds that support the military regime’s control and influence over the population. Among the BGFs, the Kokang Border Guard Force holds particular significance due to its control of the Kokang Special Administrative Zone and its ties to local Chinese Communist Party officials.
On the Thai border, the Karen BGF is a key player, controlling a vital logistics corridor into Thailand and expanding its influence through alliances with criminal networks. While the BGFs may not be as well-known as the EAOs, understanding their role is essential in assessing the junta’s violent campaign to maintain control. The BGFs’ connections into neighboring countries like China and Thailand facilitate the spread of junta propaganda and contribute to transnational criminal activities.
Overall, the BGFs in Myanmar represent a complex network of militarized units that have evolved from former ethnic insurgents to become integral components of the military’s strategy to suppress armed resistance and maintain control over border regions. Their alliances, illicit activities, and strategic positioning along key border areas underscore their significance in the country’s political landscape and the ongoing conflict dynamics.
Current Status
—
Financing System
The BGF might get money from the Myanmar government since they are recognized and backed by the government. This money could be used for things like running their operations, paying their staff, and building infrastructure. Also, they might make local businesses, communities, and people pay taxes or fees. Recently, there are many new Chinese businesses being set up through agreements between these businesses and the BGF. The BGF could make a lot of money or taxes from these businesses.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Myawaddy
- Hpapun
- Bawlake
- Maungdaw
- Tanintharyi
- Bokpyin
- Myeik
- Dawei
Control townships
—
No Political Wing
BPLA: Burma People’s Liberation Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
2021 April
Number of personnel:
5000
Member:
–
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
AA, KNU, TNLA, MNDAA, NUG
Background
The Bamar People’s Liberation Army (BPLA) is an insurgent group that has been active since 2021 and originated in Myanmar (formerly Burma), primarily representing the Bamar ethnic group, which constitutes the majority population in the country. The BPLA emerged in response to longstanding grievances regarding political marginalization, cultural suppression, and economic disparities faced by the Bamar people under the military-dominated regimes that have historically ruled Myanmar.
Current Status
As of recent times, the BPLA remains an active insurgent group, advocating for the rights and interests of the Bamar people. It operates primarily in central Myanmar, where the Bamar population is concentrated. The BPLA has engaged in sporadic armed clashes with the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw) and has also been involved in various forms of civil resistance and protest against the government’s policies perceived as discriminatory or oppressive towards the Bamar community.
The BPLA’s alliances are primarily with other ethnic armed groups within Myanmar, particularly those sharing similar grievances against the central government. While the BPLA’s primary focus is on advocating for Bamar interests, it has collaborated with other ethnic groups in pursuit of broader goals such as federalism, decentralization, and the establishment of a more inclusive political system in Myanmar.
Financing System
The financing of the BPLA is often clandestine and multifaceted. It may involve revenue generated from various illicit activities, including but not limited to, smuggling, extortion, illegal taxation, and involvement in the narcotics trade. Additionally, the BPLA may receive financial support from sympathetic individuals, diaspora communities, or external entities with vested interests in supporting insurgent movements in Myanmar.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Hsenwi
- Hpapun
- Kawkareik
- Kutkai
- Kyainseikgyi
- Lashio
Control townships
—
CNF: Chin National Front
CNA: Chin National Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
1988 March
Number of personnel:
800
Member:
Chin Brotherhood Alliance
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
NUG, CNDF
Background
The Chin National Front (CNF) was established in 1988 as an ethnic armed organization representing the Chin people in Myanmar. The CNF has been actively involved in advocating for the rights and autonomy of the Chin ethnic group within the country. The armed wing of the CNF, known as the Chin National Army (CNA), has played a significant role in defending Chin State, and promoting the interests of the Chin people.
Current Status
Currently, the CNF/CNA continues its efforts to protect and advance the rights of the Chin people amidst the political turmoil in Myanmar. The group is engaged in various activities to safeguard Chin State and promote its objectives for ethnic rights, democracy, and self-determination.
The CNF has maintained consistent cooperation with the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) to strengthen unity and coordination among ethnic armed groups and political organizations in Myanmar. Additionally, recent developments have seen the emergence of the Chin Brotherhood Alliance, formed by three organizations that skipped the Chin land Council conference. This alliance aims to address challenges and opportunities faced by the Chin people, reflecting a dynamic shift in alliances within the region.
Financing System
Primarily, the CNF relies on a combination of internal revenue generation, external funding sources, and informal financial mechanisms to sustain its operations. Revenues streams often include taxes levied on local populations, contributions from sympathizers and supporters, as well as income generated from natural resources, such as timber and minerals, within territories under its control.
External funding sources may come from Chin migrant workers from other countries, international donors and humanitarian organizations that supports the CNF’s goals.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Thantlang
Control townships
—
CNO: Chin Notional Organization
CNDF: Chin National Defense Force
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
2021 April
Number of personnel:
1200
Member:
Chin Brotherhood Alliance
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
NUCC, CNF
Background
The Chin National Defence Force (CNDF) is a Chin ethnic armed organization in Myanmar, serving as the armed wing of the Chin National Organisation (CNO). It was founded on April 13, 2021, in response to the military coup that took place on February 1, 2021. The CNDF is one of the armed groups formed in Falam, Chin State, Myanmar, following the coup d’état.
Current Status
The CNDF operates in various regions, including Chin State, Magway Region, Sagaing Region, and along the India-Myanmar border. With an ideology centered around Chin nationalism and federalism, the CNDF has a size of over 1,000 members and is part of the Chin National Organisation. The group’s primary opponent is the Myanmar military under the State Administration Council (SAC).
Collaboration with National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC)
The CNDF has been consistently cooperating with the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) alongside the Chin National Front (CNF). This collaboration reflects efforts to strengthen unity and coordination among ethnic armed groups and political organizations in Myanmar. By aligning with the NUCC, the CNDF aims to advance its goals for ethnic rights, democracy, and self-determination within the country.
Financing System
Primarily, the CNF relies on a combination of internal revenue generation, external funding sources, and supports from other alliances such as NUG to sustain its operations. Revenues streams often include taxes levied on local populations, contributions from sympathizers and supporters, as well as income generated from natural resources, such as timber and minerals, within territories under its control.
External funding sources may come from Chin migrant workers from other countries, international donors and humanitarian organizations that supports the CNF’s goals.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Mindat
- Tilin
Control townships
—
CRPH: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Background
The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) is recognized as the legitimate interlocutor of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) and is considered the sole democratically legitimized representative body of the people in Myanmar. The CRPH was formed by elected lawmakers and members of parliament after the military coup in 2021 to act as a provisional government in exile. Despite operating virtually, the CRPH plays a crucial role in upholding democratic principles and providing hope to the people of Myanmar in their fight against military rule. The CRPH’s endorsement by the IPU underscores its legitimacy and importance in representing the will of the people and advocating for democracy in Myanmar.
KIO: Kachin Independent Organization
KIA: Kachin Independent Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
1961 Feb
Number of personnel:
15000
Member:
FPNCC (Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee)
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
MNDAA, AA, UWSA, NDAA, SSPP, NUG
Background
The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) is the military wing of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), established on February 5, 1961. Over the years, the KIO/KIA has played a significant role in the conflict in Kachin State and northern Shan State. The KIO/KIA has operated as a de facto independent state within Kachin State, developing infrastructure, schools, hospitals, and a government funded by trade with Burma and China. The group transformed from a guerrilla force to a well-equipped conventional military with officer academies and weapon production facilities. However, this transition made them vulnerable to attacks by the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s military, leading to intense conflicts since 2011.
Current Status
As of recent developments in 2022 and 2023, the KIO/KIA has been actively involved in resisting the military junta. The KIO/KIA has declined peace talks with the military council and has stood with the people during the Spring Revolution. The organization has cooperated with the National Unity Government (NUG) in various initiatives, including treasury bond sales and educational projects like the Kachin State Comprehensive University. The KIO/KIA continues to engage in armed clashes with government forces while participating in conflict resolution efforts.
The KIO/KIA is part of several alliances that shape its strategic engagements. It is a member of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), Northern Alliance, and the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC). These alliances allow for collaboration with other ethnic armed groups in Myanmar to address political issues, promote minority rights, and work towards a federal democratic system. The KIO/KIA’s involvement in these alliances reflects its commitment to broader peace initiatives and resistance against oppressive regimes.
Financing System
KIO and its armed wing KIA fund their activities through cross-border trade with China of jade, timber, and goal as well as taxes imposed on locals. The KIO has also been associated with logging, jade mining, and other natural resource extraction and trade, as well as agro-businesses such as tissue banana and rubber plantations.
And KIO get fees from some public services, for example KIO operates an education system in areas under their control, running over 200 schools, and established Mai Ja Yang National College as its first tertiary education school in 2015. During the ceasefire between the KIO and the Myanmar military, the KIO built up its legitimacy using grassroots methods and its newfound riches to build its economy, primarily based on cross-border jade trade with China and drugs trafficking.
Operation townships
- Bhamo
- Hpakant
- Hseni
- Injangyang
- Kutkai
- Lashio
- Mansi
- Mogaung
- Mohnyin
- Myitkyina
- Muse
- Namhkan
- Namhsan
- Namtu
- Waingmaw
Control townships
—
KKO: Klohtoo Baw Karen Organization
DKBA: Democratic Karen Buddhist Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
1995 January
Number of personnel:
2000
Memebr:
NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement)
Current Status:
Ceased fire with SAC
Alliances:
AA, KNU
Background
The Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) is a Karen Buddhist insurgent group in Myanmar that split from KNU in 1994. The DKBA was initially formed to fight against the KNU, but later shifted its focus to drug trafficking and other illegal activities.
Current Status
The DKBA continues to be active in Kayin State, engaging in conflicts with government troops and security forces. Despite adhering to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in terms of peace positions and goals, clashes persist in the region, displacing thousands of people. Following the military coup in February 2021, there were clashes between the DKBA and junta troops, highlighting ongoing tensions and conflicts within Myanmar.
The DKBA has been working towards establishing closer relationships with the KNU and the KNU/KNLA Peace Council. Meetings have been held to discuss rebuilding trust and strengthening the struggle for the Karen cause. Additionally, the DKBA is a member of the Peace Process Steering Team (PPST), indicating its involvement in peace processes despite changes in leadership within the organization. The group has also engaged in informal meetings with the military council but has not aligned with the Spring Revolution forces opposing the military council.
Financing System
The DKBA has been involved in various illegal activities, including drug trafficking, illegal logging, and extortion, to raise funds for its operations. The group has been accused of being involved in the production and trafficking of methamphetamine, also know as yaba, and heroin. The DKBA has also been involved in illegal logging in the Karen state, which is rich in teak and other valuable hardwoods.
The DKBA has also been accused of extorting money form local communities, businesses, and travelers passing through its territory. The group has been known to charge taxes on goods transported through its territory, as well as on businesses operating in areas under its control.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Hlaingbwe
- Hpa-An
- Kyainseikgyi
- Myawaddy
Control townships
—
KNPP: Karenni National Progressive Party
KA: Karenni Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
1957
Number of personnel:
3500
Member
NUCC (National Unity Consultative Council), KSCC (Karenni State Consultative Council)
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
NUG, KNDF, KNU
Background
Democratic Karen BudThe Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and its armed wing, the Karenni Army (KA), are significant political and military entities in Kayah State, Myanmar. The KNPP was founded in 1957 and has a long history of advocating for Karenni nationalism and the rights of the Karenni people. The party has been involved in armed resistance against government forces, fighting for an independent Karenni State. The KNPP signed a ceasefire with the government in 2012, but previous agreements in 1995 dissolved within months. The KNPP has maintained its political objectives despite transforming its army into Border
Current Status
The KA, as the armed wing of the KNPP, has played a crucial role in the armed struggle for Karenni autonomy. The KA has been involved in military operations in southern Kayah State, maintaining a stronghold in Mese Township near the Thai border. The armed wing consists of Karenni, Kayan, and Kayaw members, reflecting the multi-ethnic composition of the region. The KA’s activities have been intertwined with the KNPP’s political objectives, emphasizing the pursuit of democracy, political equality, and a federal union despite challenges and conflicts with the military regime.
Financing System
KNPP’s and KA’s financial systems are not explicitly provided in the search results. However, like many ethnic armed groups, they may rely on various sources of funding, including contributions from supporters, revenue from economic activities, and potentially external support from international partners or alliances within Myanmar’s political landscape. The KNPP’s affiliation with the National Unity Consultative Council in 2021 reflects its ongoing engagement in the country’s political processes and peace initiatives.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Bawlakhe
- Demoso
- Hpasawng
- Hpruso
- Mawchi
- Pekon
- Shadaw
Control townships
—
KNU: Karen National Union
KNLA: Karen National Liberation Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
1947
Number of personnel:
6000
Member:
NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement)
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
BPLA, KNDF, NUG, AA, KNPP
Background
The Karen National Union (KNU) is Myanmar’s oldest ethnic armed organization, formed in 1947 by the merger of several Karen organizations, including the Karen National Association, Buddhist Karen National Association, Karen Central Organization, and Karen Youth Organization. The KNU was established to fulfill Karen aspirations, with Saw San Po Thin as its first chairman. The KNU created the Karen National Defense Organization (KNDO) as its armed security wing.
The KNU has been involved in the Karen conflict since 1949, fighting for the self-determination of the Karen people in Myanmar. The KNU has been advocating for a federal, democratic Union of equal partners recognizing the identities of the various ethnic nationalities and their homelands since the Panglong Conference in 1947.
The KNU operates a one-party state decision-making structure, with a civilian administration and a military administration parallel to each other. The civilian administration is the primary governing body, with district administrations elected every two years, while Brigade commanders remain in their positions until retirement, giving them significant influence in the civilian administration of the KNU. The KNU continues to have a strong influence on rural Karen communities across the region, providing social services and administering areas in Kayin, Mon state, Tanintharyi region, eastern Bago and parts of southeast Myanmar.
The KNU has 14 departments at the headquarters level, including agriculture, forestry, alliance affairs, interior and religious affairs, breeding and fisheries, justice, defense, mining, education, transport and communications, health and welfare, finance and revenue, foreign affairs and information. The KNU also has four committees, including and Economic Committee, a social administration committee, a political committee, and a military committee.
Current Status
The KNU involved in the peace process with the Myanmar government, signing a bilateral ceasefire in 2012 but ceasefire had been collapsed since military coup. The KNU is currently participating in the National Unity Consultative council (NUCC) to draft a federal democracy charter and fighting against military regime.
Financing System
The KNU imposes taxes and levies on businesses, communities, and individuals within areas under its control. These taxes may include fees for services, trade, agriculture, or transportation. The KNU also conducts fundraising activities among Karen communities both within Myanmar and abroad.
Under its control, the KNU may exploit natural resources such as timber, minerals, and agricultural produce. The KNU may engage in legitimate businesses ventures such as trading, agriculture, or small-scale industries to generate revenue. The ventures not only provide financial resources but also contribute to economic development and employment opportunities within Karen communities.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Dawei
- Hlaingbwe
- Hpa-An
- Hpapun
- Kawkareik
- Kyainseikgyi
- Myawaddy
- Myeik
- Palaw
- Shwegyin
- Tanintharyi
- Taungoo
- Thandaunggyi
- Ye
- Yebyu
Control townships
—
LDU: Lahu Democratic Union
No Armed Wing
Standalone
Founded Date:
–
Number of personnel:
–
Member:
United National Federal Union (UNFU)
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
–
Background
The Lahu Unity Party (LPU), established on January 1, 1973, served as the precursor to the Lahu Demoka Day Union (LDU). In 1987, the LPU underwent a name change, becoming the Lahu National Organization (LNO). Subsequently, in 1997, it underwent another renaming, this time emerging as the Lahu Democratic Front (LDF). Following this evolution, the Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) was established through the Lahu National Conference convened in April 2008.
As a member of the United National Federal Council (UNFC), the LDU actively engaged in peace negotiations during the administration of U Thein Sein. However, despite its participation, it was excluded from signing the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) due to its non-armed status.
Throughout the tenure of the NLD government, the LDU continued its dialogue with the Government Peace Commission, eventually signing the NCA on February 13, 2018.
Current Status
—
Financing System
—
MNTJP: Myanmar National Truth and Justice Party
MNDAA: Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
1989 March
Number of personnel:
7000
Member:
Northern Three Brotherhood Alliance, FPNCC (Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee)
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
TNLA, KIA, UWSA, NDAA, SSPP, AA
Background
The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), also known as the Kokang Army, was established on March 12, 1989, in the Kokang region of Myanmar Led by Pheung Daxun, the MNDAA emerged from a split within the Communist Party of Burma. The group signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese government upon its formation and has been active in the Kokang region, advocating for Kokang nationalism. The MNDAA has historically been involved in opium trafficking and has faced conflicts with the Myanmar military.
Current Status
As of January 2024, the MNDAA has regained control of Laukkai, the capital of Kokang, following a mass surrender of Burmese military junta forces. This significant development marked the “liberation” of Kokang by the MNDAA. Operation 1027, launched by the MNDAA in October 2023 alongside allies like the Arakan Army (AA) and Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), has posed a substantial challenge to the Myanmar military’s authority since the 2021 coup. The MNDAA’s military successes have reshaped its reputation from a historical drug-trafficking organization to a pro-democracy force within Myanmar’s anti-coup movement.
The MNDAA is part of various alliances that shape its strategic engagements. It is a member of the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC) along with groups like the United Wa State Army (UWSA). The MNDAA has also formed strong military alliances with organizations like the Palaung State Liberation Front/Ta’ang National Liberation Army (PSLF/TNLA) and is part of the Three Brotherhood Alliance alongside groups like the Arakan Army (ULA/AA) and TNLA. These alliances have influenced joint operations, ceasefire agreements, and strategic offensives within Myanmar’s complex political landscape.
Financing System
MNDAA has been accused of using profits from illicit drug production to strengthen its position and fund its activities. The group has faced allegations of involvement in the drug trade, with reports of significant drug cases in the Kokang area and seizures of drugs worth millions of dollars. Despite these accusations, the MNDAA has denied involvement in drug trafficking and claims to have implemented anti-drug measures and alternative crop farming in the Kokang region since 2007.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Matman
- Mongmao
- Mongyawng
- Narphan
- Tachileik
Control townships
- Hopang
- Pangsag
- Mongton
NMSP: New Mon State Party
MNLA: Mon National Liberation Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
Ceased fire with SAC
Number of personnel:
NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement), PPST (Peace Process Steering Team)
Member:
NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement), PPST (Peace Process Steering Team)
Current Status:
Ceased fire with SAC
Alliances:
AA, KNU
Background
The New Mon State Party (NMSP) is an opposition party in Myanmar with a historical background dating back to its formation in 1963, following a split from the Mon People’s Front (MPF) over autonomy issues. The NMSP has an armed wing called the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA), which has been engaged in armed resistance against the government since 1949 under different names. The NMSP has participated in various peace negotiations and alliances, including signing the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 2015.
Current Status
NMSP has been actively involved in the peace process and held leadership positions within the Peace Process Steering Team (PPST). However, recent developments have seen a splinter group of the NMSP and MNLA, known as the New Mon State Party (Anti-Dictatorship), declare war on the junta and join revolutionary forces, signaling a shift away from negotiations with the military regime.
The financing system of the NMSP involves various sources such as donations from supporters, revenue from businesses, and support from other political parties and ethnic armed organizations. Specific details about the party’s current financing system are not provided in the search results.
Financing System
NMSP has been involved in negotiations with the Myanmar government regarding the allocation of resources for development in Mon State. In 2019, the NMSP signed a memorandum of understanding with the Myanmar government to implement development projects in Mon state, including the construction of roads, bridges, and schools. The NMSP has also been involved in development projects in Mon State.
The NMSP may also generate revenue through various means, such as taxes or fees imposed on businesses operating in areas under its control, as well as donations from supporters. But specific details about the NMSP’s financial system and fundraising activities are not readily available.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Dawei
- Hpa-An
- Kawkareik
- Kyaikmaraw
- Kyainseikgyi
- Launglon
- Mudon
- Myeik
- Palaw
- Paung
- Thanbyuzayat
- Thaton
- Ye
- Yebyu
Control townships
—
NUCC: National Unity Consultative Council
Background
The National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) of Myanmar was established on March 8, 2021, as an advisory body to the National Unity Government (NUG) in response to the 2021 military coup. The NUCC aims to overthrow the military dictatorship and build a federal democratic union in Myanmar through collective political dialogue and coordination. It is a historic alliance of 28 political institutions, including the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), and federal-unit and nationalities-based consultative councils. The NUCC is considered one of the most inclusive bodies in modern Burmese history, reflecting a diverse representation of ethnic groups and political interests.
Current Status
Currently, the NUCC plays a crucial role in defining the NUG’s overall objectives and strategy. It operates through consensus-based decision-making among its 28 participant organizations, upholding a model of collective leadership. The NUCC’s focus is on building a federal democratic union in Myanmar, emphasizing federalism as a top priority. It aims to replace the military-drafted 2008 constitution with a new constitution developed through a biannual People’s Congress. The NUCC’s most significant challenge lies in incorporating ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and ethnic political parties into its vision for a federal Myanmar.
In terms of alliances, the NUCC consists of various key members, including the CRPH, eight EAOs such as the Karen National Union (KNU), the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), and the Chin National Front (CNF), and five ethnic-based consultative councils representing different ethnic groups. These alliances are crucial for the NUCC’s efforts to resist military rule and establish a federal democratic state in Myanmar. The NUCC’s financing system relies on support from the Burmese diaspora, highlighting its grassroots nature and self-reliance in the face of the military junta’s repression.
Financing System
The Federal Democracy Charter in Myanmar, developed in response to the 2021 military coup, represents a significant document outlining the vision for democracy and governance in the country. The Charter was endorsed and published by the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) in April, marking a new phase in the resistance against military rule and efforts to rebuild society. It serves as a roadmap for restoring democracy and addressing the political crisis in Myanmar. The Charter’s substantive provisions aim to establish a federal democratic system that ensures inclusivity, good governance, and human rights protection. It outlines the process for constitution-building, governance, and political participation, emphasizing the need for inclusive dialogue and mechanisms to support sustainable development and natural resource management. The Charter reflects the aspirations of various stakeholders in Myanmar, including interim and transitional institutions, political parties, ethnic resistance organizations, media, academia, and civil society groups, towards achieving genuine democracy and peace in the country.
NUG: National Unity Government
Background
The National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar was established on April 16, 2021, following the military coup that deposed the civilian government. The NUG emerged as a response to the political crisis, aiming to provide a legitimate alternative to the military junta. It operates as a government-in-hiding rather than a government-in-exile, emphasizing the importance of maintaining popular support across Myanmar and claiming territorial presence. The NUG is recognized as a more legitimate democratic governance entity abroad compared to the junta, with Western governments and experts viewing it favorably.
Current Status
Currently, the NUG faces significant challenges in its quest for legitimacy and governance. It operates under the oversight of the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), which appoints the NUG and its cabinet, holding them accountable. The NUG functions as the executive branch, implementing political objectives outlined in the 2021 Federal Democracy Charter. The NUG prioritizes federalism, inclusivity of ethnic interests, and aims to address decades of structural violence in Myanmar. It has made policy pronouncements that depart from past practices, signaling a shift towards a more inclusive and democratic future.
Financing System
NUG has employed various innovative strategies to raise funds for its operations. It has raised significant amounts through fundraising activities, including the sale of Spring Revolution treasury bonds, an online lottery, and the sale of military-linked land and properties. Most revenues have been allocated to weapons procurement and support for civil servants on strike. The NUG has encouraged the Burmese diaspora and local companies to redirect taxes to support its activities. Additionally, the NUG has launched NUGPay, a parallel digital currency system, to facilitate financial transactions.
PDFs: People Defense Forces
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
2021 May
Number of personnel:
65000
Alliances:
–
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
KIA, KNU, CNF, ABSDF, TNLA, KNDF, BPLA, YDF, Local PDFs
Background
The People’s Defense Forces (PDF) in Myanmar emerged in 2021 as a response to the military coup, aiming to protect civilians and resist the military junta. Initially viewed as hastily organized groups, the PDFs have grown in size, organization, and capability, posing a significant threat to the junta’s rule. Comprising PDFs, Local Defense Forces (LDFs), and People’s Defense Teams (PaKhaPha/PDTs), these groups operate under the National Unity Government (NUG) and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), with a focus on urban guerilla warfare and local defense.
Historically, the PDFs represent a new landscape of armed resistance in Myanmar, evolving from peaceful protests to armed uprisings against the military regime. They have gained public support and demonstrated tactical ingenuity, resilience, and coordination, challenging the junta’s control and stability. The PDFs’ emergence reflects a revolutionary energy that has united various resistance groups under a common goal of overturning military rule and establishing a more just society.
The People’s Defense Forces in Myanmar represent a diverse and decentralized resistance movement that has evolved rapidly to challenge the military regime. With a strong commitment to civilian control, strategic objectives, and grassroots support, the PDFs continue to play a crucial role in the pro-democracy struggle and the future security landscape of Myanmar.
Current Status
PDFs operate under civilian control, with the Commander in Chief serving in the decision-making role. The PDFs fall under the Ministry of Defense of the NUG, ensuring civilian oversight and accountability. The defense minister is responsible for defense policies and implementation, while the Ministry coordinates defense operations, troop allocation, and training. The PDFs adhere to military values, emphasizing loyalty, discipline, and adherence to international military laws.
Financing System
Regarding financing, the PDFs have not received lethal support from the international community but rely on arms supplied by sympathetic EAOs and purchased on the black market. Additionally, resistance forces use their own resources and public support to sustain their operations, highlighting their grassroots nature and self-reliance in the face of the military junta’s repression.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Injangyang
- Tanai
- Chipwi
- Tsawlaw
- Mohnyin
- Mogaung
- Shwegu
- Momauk
- Mansi
- Puta-O
- Sumprabum
- Loikaw
- Demoso
- Hpruso
- Kawkareik
- Kyainseikgyi
- Falam
- Hakha
- Thantlang
- Tedim
- Tonzang
- Mindat
- Matupi
- Kanpetlet
- Myinmu
- Myaung
- Shwebo
- Khin-U
- Wetlet
- Kanbalu
- Ye-U
- Tabayin
- Taze
- Monywa
- Budalin
- Ayadaw
- Chaung-U
- Yinmarbin
- Kani
- Salingyi
- Pale
- Katha
- Indaw
- Tigyaing
- Banmauk
- Kawlin
- Kale
- Dawei
- Launglon
- Thayetchaung
- Yebyu
- Palaw
- Pakokku
- Yesagyo
- Myaing
- Pauk
- Tilin
- Saw
- Singu
- Thabeikkyin
- Kyaukpadaung
- Kyaikmaraw
- Thanbyuzayat
- Ye
- Thaton
- Kyaikto
- Bilin
- Hsihseng
- Pekon
Control townships
—
PNLO: Pa-O National Liberation Organization
PNLA: Pa-O National Liberation Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
2009 Dec
Number of personnel:
400
Member:
Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA)
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
–
Background
The Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO) is a significant political entity representing the Pa-O people in Myanmar. Established on December 11, 1949, and re-established in 2009, the PNLO has been actively involved in the country’s political landscape, particularly in the Pa-O Self-Administered Zone in southern Shan State. The organization has played a crucial role in advocating for Pa-O nationalism, federalism, and the rights of the Pa-O people.
Current Status
PNLO has been actively participating in the peace process in Myanmar. It signed ceasefire agreements at both state and union levels, including the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 2015. The PNLO has engaged in political dialogue, aiming for national reconciliation, unity, and the establishment of a federal democratic union. The organization has also shown support for the National Unity Government (NUG) following the 2021 military coup.
Since February 2024, the cease fire broke out between PNLA and SAC and fighting started in Hsihseng township in Pa-O self-administration region.
Even though PNLA does not have strong relation with other EAOs, it has a good relationship with ABSDF and KNPP.
Financing System
The PNLA may generate revenue internally by imposing taxes, fees, or levies on local businesses, communities, and individuals within areas under its control. These taxes could include charges for services, trade activities, agricultural produce, or transportation. In areas under its control, PNLO may exploit natural resources such as timber, minerals, and agricultural produce.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Hsihseng
- Hopong
- Langkho
- Mawkmai
Control townships
—
PSC: Peace and Solidarity Committee
NDAA: National Democratic Alliance Army
Standalone
Founded Date:
1989
Number of personnel:
5000
Member:
FPNCC (Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee)
Current Status:
Cease fire with SAC
Alliances:
MNDAA, UWSA. TNLA
Background
The National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) was established on March 11, 1989, after splitting from the Communist Party of Burma (CPB). Based in the Kokang Special Region (1) in Shan State, the NDAA has maintained a ceasefire agreement with the military government since its inception. Over the years, the NDAA has been involved in peace talks and alliances with various ethnic armed groups in Myanmar. The group has a significant presence in territories like Monekoe in Kokang and other townships in Shan State.
Current Status
In recent years, the NDAA has been actively engaged in peace initiatives and conflict resolution efforts in Myanmar. The group participated in informal meetings between members of the Northern Alliance and the State Administration Council (SAC). Despite facing challenges like leadership changes and clashes with the military, the NDAA remains committed to peace-building efforts and autonomy discussions for the Kokang region. The NDAA’s involvement in alliances and joint statements with other ethnic armed groups reflects its ongoing role in Myanmar’s political landscape.
The NDAA is part of several alliances that shape its strategic position and influence in Myanmar. It is a member of the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC), led by the United Wa State Party/United Wa Army (UWSA). Additionally, the NDAA has formed strong military alliances with groups like the Palaung State Liberation Front/Ta’ang National Liberation Army (PSLF/TNLA). These alliances enable the NDAA to coordinate efforts, issue joint statements, and work towards common goals such as supporting local defense forces during conflicts with the military council.
Financing System
The NDAA primarily fund their activities through cross-border trade with China and they have been associated with the drug trade. The NDAA also have ties with the Kokang Border Guard Force, which is involved in various businesses, including jade mines in Kachin State, a coal mine in Sagaing, a cement factory in Kokang, a billion-dollar new city project in Mandalay, a sugarcane farm near Lashio, and multiple import-export companies central to the China-Myanmar border commerce, including the sugar trade, over which Fully Light holds a monopoly. And NDAA also raise funding by imposing taxes on local public and their famous Casino businesses.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
—
Control townships
- Mongyang
- Mongla
- Mongyawng
PSLF: Palaung State Liberation Front
TNLA: Ta'ang National Liberation Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
Fighting against SAC
Number of personnel:
8000
Member:
Northern Three Brotherhood Alliance, FPNCC (Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee)
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
AA, MNDAA, NDAA, KIA, AA, SSPP, UWSA
Background
The Palaung State Liberation Front/Ta’ang National Liberation Army (PSLF/TNLA) has a rich history that traces back to its establishment in various forms over the years. Initially founded as the Palaung National Army in 1963, it later evolved into the Palaung State Liberation Army (PSLA) in 1976 and eventually transformed into the PSLF in January 1992. Subsequently, in January 2009, the armed wing of the PSLF, known as the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), was formed.
The group’s primary objective has been to secure protection for the Ta’ang Palaung region and to work towards building a federal union that upholds principles of democracy, human rights, and self-determination. The PSLF/TNLA has cooperated both politically and militarily with various alliances, including the Northern Alliance and the Three Brotherhood Alliance.
Current Status
Presently, the PSLF/TNLA is actively engaged in military operations alongside its allies in northern Shan State. The group has been involved in clashes with the Myanmar military following the 2021 coup, demonstrating its resistance against the military regime. Notably, the TNLA, along with other ethnic armed groups, launched attacks on multiple locations in Northern Shan State, inflicting heavy casualties on Myanmar’s military forces.
Moreover, the PSLF/TNLA has voiced its opposition to the military coup and expressed support for efforts aimed at building a federal democratic union in Myanmar. While engaging in contacts and negotiations with various stakeholders, including the military council under pressure from external influences like China, clashes have persisted between Myanmar army troops and the PSLF/TNLA. The group continues to play an active role in the region’s complex political landscape, striving to advance its goals for ethnic equality and self-determination.
Financing System
The TNLA’s seizure and control of the Pa Laung Self-administered Zone provide them with the opportunity to partake in legal businesses and economic endeavors within their jurisdiction. Additionally, their control over a substantial border region with China could yield significant benefits through trade taxation. Moreover, the group’s efforts against the drug trade indicate potential revenue generation from seizing and eradicating narcotics.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Hsipaw
- Kyaukme
- Lashio
- Manton
- Muse
- Mogoke
Control townships
- Kutkai
- Namkhan
- Namhsan
- Namtu
Pyu Saw Htee
Pro-SAC
Founded Date:
–
Number of personnel:
–
Member:
Supported by SAC
Current Status:
Fighting against PDFs and EAOs
Alliances:
–
The Pyu Saw Htee militias have been used by the military regime to suppress resistance and maintain control, particularly in areas where the military faces strong opposition. These militias have been instrumental in supporting the military’s efforts against anti-coup movements and have been linked to violent coercion, fear-mongering, and extremist ideologies.
Background
The Pyu Saw Htee group takes its name from a legendary king from the early Bagan dynasty and was first formed in 1955 as a people’s militia to fight insurgents, although it was dissolved two years later.
The concept of Pyu Saw Htee re-emerged after the 2021 coup to describe a network of ultra-nationalists and later armed by SAC, countering the anti-coup resistance. The militias have been increasingly doing the Military’s work in fighting against the People’s Defence Force, particularly in the Sagaing Region.
Ideology
The Pyu Saw Htee militias are characterized by anti-Islam sentiments, Buddhist nationalism, and ultranationalism. They view the Military as the protector of the nation, race, and religion, and support the Military to ensure the maintenance of traditional roles and values. The militias are aligned with right-wing to far-right political positions and are known for their violent tactics in supporting the military regime.
Current Status
The Pyu Saw Htee militias have been supported by ultra-nationalist monks like U Warthawa, who have played a key role in organizing and legitimizing these pro-junta militias. These militias have been armed with rifles by the military, trained directly by the Military, and organized under the patronage of monks like U Warthawa. The Pyu Saw Htee groups have been involved in violent activities, including arresting, or killing civilians, burning villages, and forcing people to flee their homes in regions like Sagaing.
Financing System
—
RCSS: Restoration Council of Shan State
Standalone
Founded Date:
1996 January
Number of personnel:
8000
Member:
PPST (Peace Process Steering Team)
Current Status:
Cease fire with SAC
Alliances:
Member of PPST (Peace Process Steering Team)
Background
The Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) traces its origins back to 1996 when it was founded by Yawd Serk, a prominent Shan military leader. Initially known as the Shan United Revolutionary Army (SURA), the group underwent a significant transformation in 1999, adopting the name RCSS. This change marked a pivotal moment in the organization’s history, solidifying its role as a key political entity representing Shan interests in Myanmar.
The formation of RCSS stemmed from a split within the Mong Tai Army/Shan State Restoration Council (MTA/SSRC), a group led by the infamous Khun Sa. Yawd Serk’s faction sought to rejuvenate support among former MTA members and establish a distinct identity focused on advocating for Shan autonomy and rights within the country.
Over the years, RCSS has been actively engaged in various peace negotiations and conflicts within Shan State, navigating complex relationships with other ethnic armed groups and the central government. The organization’s history is marked by both cooperation and contention, reflecting the intricate dynamics of Myanmar’s ethnic landscape.
Current Status
In the aftermath of the military coup on February 1, 2021, RCSS found itself facing renewed challenges as the Tatmadaw violated ceasefire agreements by launching attacks on RCSS camps in Hsipaw Township. This escalation of hostilities underscored the fragile nature of peace agreements in Myanmar and highlighted the ongoing struggle for stability in conflict-affected regions like Shan State.
Despite these setbacks, RCSS has continued its efforts to navigate the complex political landscape of Myanmar. In November 2023, amidst escalating tensions and conflicts between ethnic armed groups in Shan State, RCSS and its rival, the Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP), declared a ceasefire. This development signaled a potential shift towards de-escalation and dialogue, offering a glimmer of hope for peace in the region.
As RCSS moves forward, it remains a key player in Myanmar’s peace process, balancing its military activities with diplomatic efforts aimed at securing greater autonomy and rights for the Shan people. The organization’s resilience and commitment to advocating for Shan interests reflect its enduring significance in shaping the future of Myanmar’s ethnic politics.
Financing System
RCSS has always stated that it intends to raise money as a state would lawfully raise money: rents from natural resources and sale of assets, taxes, and donations.
RCSS finds mining to be its most lucrative venture. To bolster revenue, RCSS has decided to increase taxes by permitting mining operations from Myanmar mainland, China, and Thailand. The spectrum of mining activities encompasses both legal and illegal practices, tapping into valuable resources such as Uarian and Plutonium, which are rare and highly profitable.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Kyaukme
- Kunhing
- Lawksawk
- Mongkaing
- Mongnai
- Mongpan
- Monghsat
- Mawkmai
- Mongton
- Namhsan
Control townships
—
RSLP: Rakhine State Liberation Party
ALA: Arakan Liberation Army
Standalone
Founded Date:
1968 Nov
Number of personnel:
100
Member:
PPST (Peace Process Steering Team)
Current Status:
Ceasefire with SAC
Alliances:
–
Background
The Arakan Liberation Party/Arakan Liberation Army (ALP/ALA) is a significant ethnic armed group in Myanmar, particularly active in Rakhine State. Founded in 1968, the ALA serves as the armed wing of the ALP, which signed a bilateral ceasefire agreement with the Burmese government in April 2012. The ALP/ALA has been involved in the armed struggle for greater autonomy and rights for the Rakhine people. The ALP/ALA’s historical background is rooted in the quest for self-determination and political representation for the Rakhine community, reflecting a long-standing desire for independence and recognition within Myanmar’s complex political landscape.
Current Status
ALP/ALA has been engaged in ongoing conflict and negotiations with the central government. The ALP/ALA signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 2015, demonstrating a commitment to peaceful dialogue and resolution of the conflict. The ALP/ALA’s activities have been focused on advocating for the rights and interests of the Rakhine people, seeking greater political autonomy and representation within Myanmar. The ALP/ALA’s involvement in the peace process and ceasefire agreements reflects its strategic approach to achieving its goals through peaceful means while maintaining its armed capabilities.
Financing System
Since they are a small and weak group, they don’t have a proper or organized way to get money. But because they have made peace and have good relationships with the State Administration Council (SAC), they can run legal businesses in certain cities like Sittwe and Yangon. They might use the money they make from these businesses to fund their organization. Additionally, they could get some money from Rakhine communities in Myanmar and from Rakhine people living in other countries. They do this by asking for donations, holding events, and reaching out to Rakhine people abroad to contribute money.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Sittwe
- Mrauk-U
- Myawaddy
Control townships
—
SNA: Shanni Nationalities Army
Pro-SAC
Founded Date:
2016 January
Number of personnel:
1000
Member:
–
Current Status:
Fighting along with SAC
Alliances:
SAC
Background
The Shanni Nationalities Army (SNA) is a Shanni insurgent group that operates in northern Sagaing Region and Kachin State, Myanmar. Founded in 1989, the SNA transformed into an armed group in January 2016 by expelled Shanni members of the Kachin Independence Organization. The SNA’s objectives include gaining statehood, fighting against drugs, establishing a federal union, promoting unity among all Shan sub-groups, and conserving ecological balance.
Current Status
The SNA has been actively involved in the Myanmar civil war, particularly aligning with the military junta as conflicts with groups like the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) escalated. In 2022, the SNA collaborated with the junta in operations that led to the burning of homes in Kachin State and forced KIA withdrawal from certain areas. The group has engaged in various clashes and alliances as part of the complex dynamics of the civil war.
The SNA has shown a preference for aligning with the military junta, actively participating in joint operations that have targeted opposition groups like the KIA. This alignment has led to increased tensions and conflicts with other ethnic armed organizations in Myanmar. The SNA’s collaboration with the junta has shaped its role and actions within the broader context of the civil war.
Financing System
The primary financial sources for the SNA encompass taxation, lawful and unlawful enterprises, as well as involvement in narcotics trafficking.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Bhamo
- Homalin
- Hopang
- Katha
- Mogaung
- Mohnyin
Control townships
—
SSPP: Shan State Progress Party
SSA: Shan State Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
1964 April
Number of personnel:
11000
Member:
FPNCC (Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee)
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
AA, TNLA, MNDAA, KIA, UWSA, NDAA
Background
The Shan State Progress Party (SSPP), also known as the Shan State Army (SSA) – North, was formed in 1971 and is based in the northern Shan State town of Wan Hai. The SSPP has been a significant player in the region’s armed conflicts and political landscape. Over the years, it has engaged in various peace processes and ceasefire agreements with different stakeholders.
Current Status
As of recent developments, the SSPP/SSA has declared a truce with the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA), the other major ethnic Shan armed group in Myanmar. This truce was announced amid significant changes in the military situation in Shan State, particularly due to the anti-regime offensive. The SSPP/SSA and RCSS/SSA, with 10,000 and 8,000 troops respectively, have expressed intentions to unite in the future but are first focusing on building trust through collaboration and joint efforts. This truce agreement includes provisions for prisoner exchanges, mutual notification of troop movements, discussions on troop deployment, and regular bilateral meetings between the two groups. Additionally, the SSPP/SSA is closely associated with the Brotherhood Alliance, a coalition of ethnic armed groups conducting coordinated attacks against Myanmar’s military in northern Shan State.
Financing System
Under the financial system of the SSPP, funding for its army will be secured through a range of activities. These include taxation on the populace under their jurisdiction, mining of natural resources, cultivation of poppy plants, and involvement in drug trafficking.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Hsipaw
- Kutkai
- Kyethi
- Kyaukme
- Lawksawk
- Monauk
- Monghsu
- Namtu
- Namhkam
Control townships
—
ULA: United League of Arakan
AA: Arakan Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
2009 April
Number of personnel:
30000
Member
Northern Three Brotherhood Alliance
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
TNLA, MNDAA, KIA, UWSA, NDAA, SSPP, NUG
Background
The Arakan Army (AA) is an ethnic armed organization based in Rakhine State, Myanmar, founded on April 10, 2009. It serves as the military wing of the United League of Arakan (ULA) and is led by Commander-in-Chief Major General Twan Mrat Naing. The AA’s armed revolution aims to restore the sovereignty of the Arakan people, with a significant troop presence in Chin State, Rakhine State, Kachin State, and Shan State. The group has engaged in various conflicts and alliances within the complex landscape of Myanmar’s civil war.
Current Status
As of February 2024, the Arakan Army has grown to an estimated 38,000 troops according to its leader, Twan Mrat Naing. However, experts suggest a more conservative estimate of around 15,000 troops across different regions. The AA has been actively involved in conflicts with state security forces and has played a crucial role in the power dynamics of northern Rakhine State. The group has engaged in state-building efforts and humanitarian activities amidst the civil unrest in Myanmar.
The Arakan Army is part of the Three Brotherhood Alliance formed in June 2019. This alliance includes the AA along with the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA). The Three Brotherhood Alliance operates in regions like Chin State, Shan State, Rakhine State, and along the borders with Bangladesh and China. This coalition has been involved in joint operations and strategic offensives within Myanmar.
Financing System
The ULA/AA makes local businesses, communities, and people pay taxes and fees if they live in areas the ULA/AA controls. It’s been said that even before the ULA/AA took over any land in Rakhine, people are willingly paid taxes. The ULA/AA may conduct fundraising campaigns among ethnic Arakanese communities, both within Myanmar and abroad. But it is not clear how much the ULA/AA is involved in illegal activities like drug trafficking, cutting down trees illegally, and sneaking things across borders.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Ann
- Buthidaung
- Bhamo
- Hopang
- Katha
- Kutkai
- Laukkaing
- Mogoke
- Muse
- Myebon
- Myitkyina
- Rathedaung
- Sittwe
Control townships
- Kyauktaw
- Minbya
- Mrauk-U
- Paletwa
- Pauktaw
- Ponnagyun
- Ramree
UWSP: United Wa State Party
UWSA: United Wa State Army
Standalone
Founded Date:
1989 Nov
Number of personnel:
33000
Member:
FPNCC (Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee)
Current Status:
Ceasefire with SAC
Alliances:
KIA, MNDAA, NDAA, TNLA, AA, SSPP
Background
The United Wa State Army/Party (UWSA/UWSP), commonly known as the Wa, is one of the most powerful ethnic armed groups in Myanmar. The UWSA/UWSP has a significant historical background, originating from the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) disintegration in the late 1980s. The Wa people, primarily residing in the Wa Self-Administered Division in Shan State, formed the UWSA because of the CPB’s collapse, establishing a de facto autonomous region under their control. The UWSA/UWSP has maintained a strong military presence and political influence in the region, making it a key player in Myanmar’s complex political landscape.
Current Status
UWSA/UWSP continues to hold considerable power and authority within the Wa region. The group operates as both an armed force and a political entity, governing the Wa territory with its own administration and security apparatus. The UWSA/UWSP has been involved in various ceasefire agreements with the Myanmar government, allowing for a degree of autonomy in their region while maintaining a level of independence from central government control.
Financing System
The financing of the UWSA/UWSP is a complex issue, as the group has been linked to various economic activities, including jade mining, logging, and drug trafficking. These illicit activities have provided significant financial resources to the UWSP/UWSA, enabling them to sustain their military operations and maintain their influence in the region. Additionally, the UWSA/UWSP has been known to receive support from external sources, including international partners and alliances, which have contributed to their financial stability and operational capacity.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Matman
- Mongmao
- Mongyawng
- Narphan
- Tachileik
Control townships
- Hopang
- Mongton
- Panghsang
Anti-SAC Stakeholders
ABSDF: All Burma Students' Democratic Front
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
1998 Nov
Number of personnel:
3000
Member:
NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement)
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
KIA, KNLA, NUG, PDFs
Background
All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF) is a prominent political organization in Myanmar with a rich historical background dating back to the late 1980s. Formed in the aftermath of the 1988 uprising against the military regime, the ABSDF was initially a student-led resistance group that played a crucial role in the pro-democracy movement. The organization comprised students and activists who sought to challenge the oppressive military rule and advocate for democratic reforms in Myanmar. The ABSDF engaged in armed resistance against the military junta, with members facing significant risks and sacrifices, including arrests, torture, and even executions.
Over the years, the ABSDF underwent internal divisions and challenges, leading to the formation of competing factions within the organization. Despite these internal struggles, the ABSDF continued its resistance efforts and maintained its commitment to the pro-democracy cause. The ABSDF’s activities extended beyond armed struggle to include political advocacy, information dissemination, and engagement in ceasefire talks with the government. The organization signed a state-level ceasefire agreement in 2013, reflecting its willingness to participate in peace initiatives while upholding its core principles.
Current Status
All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF) is currently engaged in various activities and initiatives to oppose the military junta in Myanmar. Recent news from the ABSDF website highlights their opposition to the junta, emphasizing their stance against the military regime. Additionally, the ABSDF has been actively making their opposition clear through statements and actions, particularly on the 33rd anniversary of their founding in November 2021. The ABSDF continues to play a significant role in the pro-democracy movement in Myanmar, advocating for democracy, human rights, and political reforms in the country amidst the ongoing political turmoil and challenges posed by the military regime.
Financing System
Specific details about the ABSDF’s financial system are not explicitly provided in the search results. However, like many political organizations, the ABSDF likely relies on various sources of funding, including contributions from supporters, revenue from economic activities, and potentially external support from international partners or alliances within Myanmar’s political landscape. The ABSDF’s involvement in ceasefire talks and its continued presence in the political arena demonstrate its enduring commitment to promoting democracy, human rights, and ethnic equality in Myanmar.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Bilin
- Thaton
- Kyaikto
- Kyaukkyi
- Mogoke
- Nawnghkio
- Namhkan
- Mongmit
- Indaw
- Tamu
- Kawlin
- Pinlebu
- Yinmarbin
- Pale
- Gangaw
Control townships
—
No Political Wing
BPLA: Burma People’s Liberation Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
2021 April
Number of personnel:
5000
Member:
–
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
AA, KNU, TNLA, MNDAA, NUG
Background
The Bamar People’s Liberation Army (BPLA) is an insurgent group that has been active since 2021 and originated in Myanmar (formerly Burma), primarily representing the Bamar ethnic group, which constitutes the majority population in the country. The BPLA emerged in response to longstanding grievances regarding political marginalization, cultural suppression, and economic disparities faced by the Bamar people under the military-dominated regimes that have historically ruled Myanmar.
Current Status
As of recent times, the BPLA remains an active insurgent group, advocating for the rights and interests of the Bamar people. It operates primarily in central Myanmar, where the Bamar population is concentrated. The BPLA has engaged in sporadic armed clashes with the Myanmar military (Tatmadaw) and has also been involved in various forms of civil resistance and protest against the government’s policies perceived as discriminatory or oppressive towards the Bamar community.
The BPLA’s alliances are primarily with other ethnic armed groups within Myanmar, particularly those sharing similar grievances against the central government. While the BPLA’s primary focus is on advocating for Bamar interests, it has collaborated with other ethnic groups in pursuit of broader goals such as federalism, decentralization, and the establishment of a more inclusive political system in Myanmar.
Financing System
The financing of the BPLA is often clandestine and multifaceted. It may involve revenue generated from various illicit activities, including but not limited to, smuggling, extortion, illegal taxation, and involvement in the narcotics trade. Additionally, the BPLA may receive financial support from sympathetic individuals, diaspora communities, or external entities with vested interests in supporting insurgent movements in Myanmar.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Hsenwi
- Hpapun
- Kawkareik
- Kutkai
- Kyainseikgyi
- Lashio
Control townships
—
CNF: Chin National Front
CNA: Chin National Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
1988 March
Number of personnel:
800
Member:
Chin Brotherhood Alliance
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
NUG, CNDF
Background
The Chin National Front (CNF) was established in 1988 as an ethnic armed organization representing the Chin people in Myanmar. The CNF has been actively involved in advocating for the rights and autonomy of the Chin ethnic group within the country. The armed wing of the CNF, known as the Chin National Army (CNA), has played a significant role in defending Chin State, and promoting the interests of the Chin people.
Current Status
Currently, the CNF/CNA continues its efforts to protect and advance the rights of the Chin people amidst the political turmoil in Myanmar. The group is engaged in various activities to safeguard Chin State and promote its objectives for ethnic rights, democracy, and self-determination.
The CNF has maintained consistent cooperation with the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) to strengthen unity and coordination among ethnic armed groups and political organizations in Myanmar. Additionally, recent developments have seen the emergence of the Chin Brotherhood Alliance, formed by three organizations that skipped the Chin land Council conference. This alliance aims to address challenges and opportunities faced by the Chin people, reflecting a dynamic shift in alliances within the region.
Financing System
Primarily, the CNF relies on a combination of internal revenue generation, external funding sources, and informal financial mechanisms to sustain its operations. Revenues streams often include taxes levied on local populations, contributions from sympathizers and supporters, as well as income generated from natural resources, such as timber and minerals, within territories under its control.
External funding sources may come from Chin migrant workers from other countries, international donors and humanitarian organizations that supports the CNF’s goals.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Thantlang
Control townships
—
CNO: Chin Notional Organization
CNDF: Chin National Defense Force
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
2021 April
Number of personnel:
1200
Member:
Chin Brotherhood Alliance
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
NUCC, CNF
Background
The Chin National Defence Force (CNDF) is a Chin ethnic armed organization in Myanmar, serving as the armed wing of the Chin National Organisation (CNO). It was founded on April 13, 2021, in response to the military coup that took place on February 1, 2021. The CNDF is one of the armed groups formed in Falam, Chin State, Myanmar, following the coup d’état.
Current Status
The CNDF operates in various regions, including Chin State, Magway Region, Sagaing Region, and along the India-Myanmar border. With an ideology centered around Chin nationalism and federalism, the CNDF has a size of over 1,000 members and is part of the Chin National Organisation. The group’s primary opponent is the Myanmar military under the State Administration Council (SAC).
Collaboration with National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC)
The CNDF has been consistently cooperating with the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) alongside the Chin National Front (CNF). This collaboration reflects efforts to strengthen unity and coordination among ethnic armed groups and political organizations in Myanmar. By aligning with the NUCC, the CNDF aims to advance its goals for ethnic rights, democracy, and self-determination within the country.
Financing System
Primarily, the CNF relies on a combination of internal revenue generation, external funding sources, and supports from other alliances such as NUG to sustain its operations. Revenues streams often include taxes levied on local populations, contributions from sympathizers and supporters, as well as income generated from natural resources, such as timber and minerals, within territories under its control.
External funding sources may come from Chin migrant workers from other countries, international donors and humanitarian organizations that supports the CNF’s goals.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Mindat
- Tilin
Control townships
—
CRPH: Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Background
The Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) is recognized as the legitimate interlocutor of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) and is considered the sole democratically legitimized representative body of the people in Myanmar. The CRPH was formed by elected lawmakers and members of parliament after the military coup in 2021 to act as a provisional government in exile. Despite operating virtually, the CRPH plays a crucial role in upholding democratic principles and providing hope to the people of Myanmar in their fight against military rule. The CRPH’s endorsement by the IPU underscores its legitimacy and importance in representing the will of the people and advocating for democracy in Myanmar.
KIO: Kachin Independent Organization
KIA: Kachin Independent Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
1961 Feb
Number of personnel:
15000
Member:
FPNCC (Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee)
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
MNDAA, AA, UWSA, NDAA, SSPP, NUG
Background
The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) is the military wing of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), established on February 5, 1961. Over the years, the KIO/KIA has played a significant role in the conflict in Kachin State and northern Shan State. The KIO/KIA has operated as a de facto independent state within Kachin State, developing infrastructure, schools, hospitals, and a government funded by trade with Burma and China. The group transformed from a guerrilla force to a well-equipped conventional military with officer academies and weapon production facilities. However, this transition made them vulnerable to attacks by the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s military, leading to intense conflicts since 2011.
Current Status
As of recent developments in 2022 and 2023, the KIO/KIA has been actively involved in resisting the military junta. The KIO/KIA has declined peace talks with the military council and has stood with the people during the Spring Revolution. The organization has cooperated with the National Unity Government (NUG) in various initiatives, including treasury bond sales and educational projects like the Kachin State Comprehensive University. The KIO/KIA continues to engage in armed clashes with government forces while participating in conflict resolution efforts.
The KIO/KIA is part of several alliances that shape its strategic engagements. It is a member of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), Northern Alliance, and the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC). These alliances allow for collaboration with other ethnic armed groups in Myanmar to address political issues, promote minority rights, and work towards a federal democratic system. The KIO/KIA’s involvement in these alliances reflects its commitment to broader peace initiatives and resistance against oppressive regimes.
Financing System
KIO and its armed wing KIA fund their activities through cross-border trade with China of jade, timber, and goal as well as taxes imposed on locals. The KIO has also been associated with logging, jade mining, and other natural resource extraction and trade, as well as agro-businesses such as tissue banana and rubber plantations.
And KIO get fees from some public services, for example KIO operates an education system in areas under their control, running over 200 schools, and established Mai Ja Yang National College as its first tertiary education school in 2015. During the ceasefire between the KIO and the Myanmar military, the KIO built up its legitimacy using grassroots methods and its newfound riches to build its economy, primarily based on cross-border jade trade with China and drugs trafficking.
Operation townships
- Bhamo
- Hpakant
- Hseni
- Injangyang
- Kutkai
- Lashio
- Mansi
- Mogaung
- Mohnyin
- Myitkyina
- Muse
- Namhkan
- Namhsan
- Namtu
- Waingmaw
Control townships
—
KKO: Klohtoo Baw Karen Organization
DKBA: Democratic Karen Buddhist Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
1995 January
Number of personnel:
2000
Memebr:
NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement)
Current Status:
Ceased fire with SAC
Alliances:
AA, KNU
Background
The Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) is a Karen Buddhist insurgent group in Myanmar that split from KNU in 1994. The DKBA was initially formed to fight against the KNU, but later shifted its focus to drug trafficking and other illegal activities.
Current Status
The DKBA continues to be active in Kayin State, engaging in conflicts with government troops and security forces. Despite adhering to the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in terms of peace positions and goals, clashes persist in the region, displacing thousands of people. Following the military coup in February 2021, there were clashes between the DKBA and junta troops, highlighting ongoing tensions and conflicts within Myanmar.
The DKBA has been working towards establishing closer relationships with the KNU and the KNU/KNLA Peace Council. Meetings have been held to discuss rebuilding trust and strengthening the struggle for the Karen cause. Additionally, the DKBA is a member of the Peace Process Steering Team (PPST), indicating its involvement in peace processes despite changes in leadership within the organization. The group has also engaged in informal meetings with the military council but has not aligned with the Spring Revolution forces opposing the military council.
Financing System
The DKBA has been involved in various illegal activities, including drug trafficking, illegal logging, and extortion, to raise funds for its operations. The group has been accused of being involved in the production and trafficking of methamphetamine, also know as yaba, and heroin. The DKBA has also been involved in illegal logging in the Karen state, which is rich in teak and other valuable hardwoods.
The DKBA has also been accused of extorting money form local communities, businesses, and travelers passing through its territory. The group has been known to charge taxes on goods transported through its territory, as well as on businesses operating in areas under its control.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Hlaingbwe
- Hpa-An
- Kyainseikgyi
- Myawaddy
Control townships
—
KNPP: Karenni National Progressive Party
KA: Karenni Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
1957
Number of personnel:
3500
Member
NUCC (National Unity Consultative Council), KSCC (Karenni State Consultative Council)
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
NUG, KNDF, KNU
Background
Democratic Karen BudThe Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) and its armed wing, the Karenni Army (KA), are significant political and military entities in Kayah State, Myanmar. The KNPP was founded in 1957 and has a long history of advocating for Karenni nationalism and the rights of the Karenni people. The party has been involved in armed resistance against government forces, fighting for an independent Karenni State. The KNPP signed a ceasefire with the government in 2012, but previous agreements in 1995 dissolved within months. The KNPP has maintained its political objectives despite transforming its army into Border
Current Status
The KA, as the armed wing of the KNPP, has played a crucial role in the armed struggle for Karenni autonomy. The KA has been involved in military operations in southern Kayah State, maintaining a stronghold in Mese Township near the Thai border. The armed wing consists of Karenni, Kayan, and Kayaw members, reflecting the multi-ethnic composition of the region. The KA’s activities have been intertwined with the KNPP’s political objectives, emphasizing the pursuit of democracy, political equality, and a federal union despite challenges and conflicts with the military regime.
Financing System
KNPP’s and KA’s financial systems are not explicitly provided in the search results. However, like many ethnic armed groups, they may rely on various sources of funding, including contributions from supporters, revenue from economic activities, and potentially external support from international partners or alliances within Myanmar’s political landscape. The KNPP’s affiliation with the National Unity Consultative Council in 2021 reflects its ongoing engagement in the country’s political processes and peace initiatives.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Bawlakhe
- Demoso
- Hpasawng
- Hpruso
- Mawchi
- Pekon
- Shadaw
Control townships
—
KNU: Karen National Union
KNLA: Karen National Liberation Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
1947
Number of personnel:
6000
Member:
NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement)
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
BPLA, KNDF, NUG, AA, KNPP
Background
The Karen National Union (KNU) is Myanmar’s oldest ethnic armed organization, formed in 1947 by the merger of several Karen organizations, including the Karen National Association, Buddhist Karen National Association, Karen Central Organization, and Karen Youth Organization. The KNU was established to fulfill Karen aspirations, with Saw San Po Thin as its first chairman. The KNU created the Karen National Defense Organization (KNDO) as its armed security wing.
The KNU has been involved in the Karen conflict since 1949, fighting for the self-determination of the Karen people in Myanmar. The KNU has been advocating for a federal, democratic Union of equal partners recognizing the identities of the various ethnic nationalities and their homelands since the Panglong Conference in 1947.
The KNU operates a one-party state decision-making structure, with a civilian administration and a military administration parallel to each other. The civilian administration is the primary governing body, with district administrations elected every two years, while Brigade commanders remain in their positions until retirement, giving them significant influence in the civilian administration of the KNU. The KNU continues to have a strong influence on rural Karen communities across the region, providing social services and administering areas in Kayin, Mon state, Tanintharyi region, eastern Bago and parts of southeast Myanmar.
The KNU has 14 departments at the headquarters level, including agriculture, forestry, alliance affairs, interior and religious affairs, breeding and fisheries, justice, defense, mining, education, transport and communications, health and welfare, finance and revenue, foreign affairs and information. The KNU also has four committees, including and Economic Committee, a social administration committee, a political committee, and a military committee.
Current Status
The KNU involved in the peace process with the Myanmar government, signing a bilateral ceasefire in 2012 but ceasefire had been collapsed since military coup. The KNU is currently participating in the National Unity Consultative council (NUCC) to draft a federal democracy charter and fighting against military regime.
Financing System
The KNU imposes taxes and levies on businesses, communities, and individuals within areas under its control. These taxes may include fees for services, trade, agriculture, or transportation. The KNU also conducts fundraising activities among Karen communities both within Myanmar and abroad.
Under its control, the KNU may exploit natural resources such as timber, minerals, and agricultural produce. The KNU may engage in legitimate businesses ventures such as trading, agriculture, or small-scale industries to generate revenue. The ventures not only provide financial resources but also contribute to economic development and employment opportunities within Karen communities.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Dawei
- Hlaingbwe
- Hpa-An
- Hpapun
- Kawkareik
- Kyainseikgyi
- Myawaddy
- Myeik
- Palaw
- Shwegyin
- Tanintharyi
- Taungoo
- Thandaunggyi
- Ye
- Yebyu
Control townships
—
MNTJP: Myanmar National Truth and Justice Party
MNDAA: Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
1989 March
Number of personnel:
7000
Member:
Northern Three Brotherhood Alliance, FPNCC (Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee)
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
TNLA, KIA, UWSA, NDAA, SSPP, AA
Background
The Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), also known as the Kokang Army, was established on March 12, 1989, in the Kokang region of Myanmar Led by Pheung Daxun, the MNDAA emerged from a split within the Communist Party of Burma. The group signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese government upon its formation and has been active in the Kokang region, advocating for Kokang nationalism. The MNDAA has historically been involved in opium trafficking and has faced conflicts with the Myanmar military.
Current Status
As of January 2024, the MNDAA has regained control of Laukkai, the capital of Kokang, following a mass surrender of Burmese military junta forces. This significant development marked the “liberation” of Kokang by the MNDAA. Operation 1027, launched by the MNDAA in October 2023 alongside allies like the Arakan Army (AA) and Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), has posed a substantial challenge to the Myanmar military’s authority since the 2021 coup. The MNDAA’s military successes have reshaped its reputation from a historical drug-trafficking organization to a pro-democracy force within Myanmar’s anti-coup movement.
The MNDAA is part of various alliances that shape its strategic engagements. It is a member of the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC) along with groups like the United Wa State Army (UWSA). The MNDAA has also formed strong military alliances with organizations like the Palaung State Liberation Front/Ta’ang National Liberation Army (PSLF/TNLA) and is part of the Three Brotherhood Alliance alongside groups like the Arakan Army (ULA/AA) and TNLA. These alliances have influenced joint operations, ceasefire agreements, and strategic offensives within Myanmar’s complex political landscape.
Financing System
MNDAA has been accused of using profits from illicit drug production to strengthen its position and fund its activities. The group has faced allegations of involvement in the drug trade, with reports of significant drug cases in the Kokang area and seizures of drugs worth millions of dollars. Despite these accusations, the MNDAA has denied involvement in drug trafficking and claims to have implemented anti-drug measures and alternative crop farming in the Kokang region since 2007.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Matman
- Mongmao
- Mongyawng
- Narphan
- Tachileik
Control townships
- Hopang
- Pangsag
- Mongton
NMSP: New Mon State Party
MNLA: Mon National Liberation Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
Ceased fire with SAC
Number of personnel:
NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement), PPST (Peace Process Steering Team)
Member:
NCA (Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement), PPST (Peace Process Steering Team)
Current Status:
Ceased fire with SAC
Alliances:
AA, KNU
Background
The New Mon State Party (NMSP) is an opposition party in Myanmar with a historical background dating back to its formation in 1963, following a split from the Mon People’s Front (MPF) over autonomy issues. The NMSP has an armed wing called the Mon National Liberation Army (MNLA), which has been engaged in armed resistance against the government since 1949 under different names. The NMSP has participated in various peace negotiations and alliances, including signing the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 2015.
Current Status
NMSP has been actively involved in the peace process and held leadership positions within the Peace Process Steering Team (PPST). However, recent developments have seen a splinter group of the NMSP and MNLA, known as the New Mon State Party (Anti-Dictatorship), declare war on the junta and join revolutionary forces, signaling a shift away from negotiations with the military regime.
The financing system of the NMSP involves various sources such as donations from supporters, revenue from businesses, and support from other political parties and ethnic armed organizations. Specific details about the party’s current financing system are not provided in the search results.
Financing System
NMSP has been involved in negotiations with the Myanmar government regarding the allocation of resources for development in Mon State. In 2019, the NMSP signed a memorandum of understanding with the Myanmar government to implement development projects in Mon state, including the construction of roads, bridges, and schools. The NMSP has also been involved in development projects in Mon State.
The NMSP may also generate revenue through various means, such as taxes or fees imposed on businesses operating in areas under its control, as well as donations from supporters. But specific details about the NMSP’s financial system and fundraising activities are not readily available.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Dawei
- Hpa-An
- Kawkareik
- Kyaikmaraw
- Kyainseikgyi
- Launglon
- Mudon
- Myeik
- Palaw
- Paung
- Thanbyuzayat
- Thaton
- Ye
- Yebyu
Control townships
—
NUCC: National Unity Consultative Council
Background
The National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) of Myanmar was established on March 8, 2021, as an advisory body to the National Unity Government (NUG) in response to the 2021 military coup. The NUCC aims to overthrow the military dictatorship and build a federal democratic union in Myanmar through collective political dialogue and coordination. It is a historic alliance of 28 political institutions, including the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), and federal-unit and nationalities-based consultative councils. The NUCC is considered one of the most inclusive bodies in modern Burmese history, reflecting a diverse representation of ethnic groups and political interests.
Current Status
Currently, the NUCC plays a crucial role in defining the NUG’s overall objectives and strategy. It operates through consensus-based decision-making among its 28 participant organizations, upholding a model of collective leadership. The NUCC’s focus is on building a federal democratic union in Myanmar, emphasizing federalism as a top priority. It aims to replace the military-drafted 2008 constitution with a new constitution developed through a biannual People’s Congress. The NUCC’s most significant challenge lies in incorporating ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and ethnic political parties into its vision for a federal Myanmar.
In terms of alliances, the NUCC consists of various key members, including the CRPH, eight EAOs such as the Karen National Union (KNU), the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP), and the Chin National Front (CNF), and five ethnic-based consultative councils representing different ethnic groups. These alliances are crucial for the NUCC’s efforts to resist military rule and establish a federal democratic state in Myanmar. The NUCC’s financing system relies on support from the Burmese diaspora, highlighting its grassroots nature and self-reliance in the face of the military junta’s repression.
Financing System
The Federal Democracy Charter in Myanmar, developed in response to the 2021 military coup, represents a significant document outlining the vision for democracy and governance in the country. The Charter was endorsed and published by the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) in April, marking a new phase in the resistance against military rule and efforts to rebuild society. It serves as a roadmap for restoring democracy and addressing the political crisis in Myanmar. The Charter’s substantive provisions aim to establish a federal democratic system that ensures inclusivity, good governance, and human rights protection. It outlines the process for constitution-building, governance, and political participation, emphasizing the need for inclusive dialogue and mechanisms to support sustainable development and natural resource management. The Charter reflects the aspirations of various stakeholders in Myanmar, including interim and transitional institutions, political parties, ethnic resistance organizations, media, academia, and civil society groups, towards achieving genuine democracy and peace in the country.
NUG: National Unity Government
Background
The National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar was established on April 16, 2021, following the military coup that deposed the civilian government. The NUG emerged as a response to the political crisis, aiming to provide a legitimate alternative to the military junta. It operates as a government-in-hiding rather than a government-in-exile, emphasizing the importance of maintaining popular support across Myanmar and claiming territorial presence. The NUG is recognized as a more legitimate democratic governance entity abroad compared to the junta, with Western governments and experts viewing it favorably.
Current Status
Currently, the NUG faces significant challenges in its quest for legitimacy and governance. It operates under the oversight of the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH), which appoints the NUG and its cabinet, holding them accountable. The NUG functions as the executive branch, implementing political objectives outlined in the 2021 Federal Democracy Charter. The NUG prioritizes federalism, inclusivity of ethnic interests, and aims to address decades of structural violence in Myanmar. It has made policy pronouncements that depart from past practices, signaling a shift towards a more inclusive and democratic future.
Financing System
NUG has employed various innovative strategies to raise funds for its operations. It has raised significant amounts through fundraising activities, including the sale of Spring Revolution treasury bonds, an online lottery, and the sale of military-linked land and properties. Most revenues have been allocated to weapons procurement and support for civil servants on strike. The NUG has encouraged the Burmese diaspora and local companies to redirect taxes to support its activities. Additionally, the NUG has launched NUGPay, a parallel digital currency system, to facilitate financial transactions.
PDFs: People Defense Forces
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
2021 May
Number of personnel:
65000
Alliances:
–
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
KIA, KNU, CNF, ABSDF, TNLA, KNDF, BPLA, YDF, Local PDFs
Background
The People’s Defense Forces (PDF) in Myanmar emerged in 2021 as a response to the military coup, aiming to protect civilians and resist the military junta. Initially viewed as hastily organized groups, the PDFs have grown in size, organization, and capability, posing a significant threat to the junta’s rule. Comprising PDFs, Local Defense Forces (LDFs), and People’s Defense Teams (PaKhaPha/PDTs), these groups operate under the National Unity Government (NUG) and ethnic armed organizations (EAOs), with a focus on urban guerilla warfare and local defense.
Historically, the PDFs represent a new landscape of armed resistance in Myanmar, evolving from peaceful protests to armed uprisings against the military regime. They have gained public support and demonstrated tactical ingenuity, resilience, and coordination, challenging the junta’s control and stability. The PDFs’ emergence reflects a revolutionary energy that has united various resistance groups under a common goal of overturning military rule and establishing a more just society.
The People’s Defense Forces in Myanmar represent a diverse and decentralized resistance movement that has evolved rapidly to challenge the military regime. With a strong commitment to civilian control, strategic objectives, and grassroots support, the PDFs continue to play a crucial role in the pro-democracy struggle and the future security landscape of Myanmar.
Current Status
PDFs operate under civilian control, with the Commander in Chief serving in the decision-making role. The PDFs fall under the Ministry of Defense of the NUG, ensuring civilian oversight and accountability. The defense minister is responsible for defense policies and implementation, while the Ministry coordinates defense operations, troop allocation, and training. The PDFs adhere to military values, emphasizing loyalty, discipline, and adherence to international military laws.
Financing System
Regarding financing, the PDFs have not received lethal support from the international community but rely on arms supplied by sympathetic EAOs and purchased on the black market. Additionally, resistance forces use their own resources and public support to sustain their operations, highlighting their grassroots nature and self-reliance in the face of the military junta’s repression.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Injangyang
- Tanai
- Chipwi
- Tsawlaw
- Mohnyin
- Mogaung
- Shwegu
- Momauk
- Mansi
- Puta-O
- Sumprabum
- Loikaw
- Demoso
- Hpruso
- Kawkareik
- Kyainseikgyi
- Falam
- Hakha
- Thantlang
- Tedim
- Tonzang
- Mindat
- Matupi
- Kanpetlet
- Myinmu
- Myaung
- Shwebo
- Khin-U
- Wetlet
- Kanbalu
- Ye-U
- Tabayin
- Taze
- Monywa
- Budalin
- Ayadaw
- Chaung-U
- Yinmarbin
- Kani
- Salingyi
- Pale
- Katha
- Indaw
- Tigyaing
- Banmauk
- Kawlin
- Kale
- Dawei
- Launglon
- Thayetchaung
- Yebyu
- Palaw
- Pakokku
- Yesagyo
- Myaing
- Pauk
- Tilin
- Saw
- Singu
- Thabeikkyin
- Kyaukpadaung
- Kyaikmaraw
- Thanbyuzayat
- Ye
- Thaton
- Kyaikto
- Bilin
- Hsihseng
- Pekon
Control townships
—
PNLO: Pa-O National Liberation Organization
PNLA: Pa-O National Liberation Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
2009 Dec
Number of personnel:
400
Member:
Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA)
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
–
Background
The Pa-O National Liberation Organization (PNLO) is a significant political entity representing the Pa-O people in Myanmar. Established on December 11, 1949, and re-established in 2009, the PNLO has been actively involved in the country’s political landscape, particularly in the Pa-O Self-Administered Zone in southern Shan State. The organization has played a crucial role in advocating for Pa-O nationalism, federalism, and the rights of the Pa-O people.
Current Status
PNLO has been actively participating in the peace process in Myanmar. It signed ceasefire agreements at both state and union levels, including the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 2015. The PNLO has engaged in political dialogue, aiming for national reconciliation, unity, and the establishment of a federal democratic union. The organization has also shown support for the National Unity Government (NUG) following the 2021 military coup.
Since February 2024, the cease fire broke out between PNLA and SAC and fighting started in Hsihseng township in Pa-O self-administration region.
Even though PNLA does not have strong relation with other EAOs, it has a good relationship with ABSDF and KNPP.
Financing System
The PNLA may generate revenue internally by imposing taxes, fees, or levies on local businesses, communities, and individuals within areas under its control. These taxes could include charges for services, trade activities, agricultural produce, or transportation. In areas under its control, PNLO may exploit natural resources such as timber, minerals, and agricultural produce.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Hsihseng
- Hopong
- Langkho
- Mawkmai
Control townships
—
PSLF: Palaung State Liberation Front
TNLA: Ta'ang National Liberation Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
Fighting against SAC
Number of personnel:
8000
Member:
Northern Three Brotherhood Alliance, FPNCC (Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee)
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
AA, MNDAA, NDAA, KIA, AA, SSPP, UWSA
Background
The Palaung State Liberation Front/Ta’ang National Liberation Army (PSLF/TNLA) has a rich history that traces back to its establishment in various forms over the years. Initially founded as the Palaung National Army in 1963, it later evolved into the Palaung State Liberation Army (PSLA) in 1976 and eventually transformed into the PSLF in January 1992. Subsequently, in January 2009, the armed wing of the PSLF, known as the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), was formed.
The group’s primary objective has been to secure protection for the Ta’ang Palaung region and to work towards building a federal union that upholds principles of democracy, human rights, and self-determination. The PSLF/TNLA has cooperated both politically and militarily with various alliances, including the Northern Alliance and the Three Brotherhood Alliance.
Current Status
Presently, the PSLF/TNLA is actively engaged in military operations alongside its allies in northern Shan State. The group has been involved in clashes with the Myanmar military following the 2021 coup, demonstrating its resistance against the military regime. Notably, the TNLA, along with other ethnic armed groups, launched attacks on multiple locations in Northern Shan State, inflicting heavy casualties on Myanmar’s military forces.
Moreover, the PSLF/TNLA has voiced its opposition to the military coup and expressed support for efforts aimed at building a federal democratic union in Myanmar. While engaging in contacts and negotiations with various stakeholders, including the military council under pressure from external influences like China, clashes have persisted between Myanmar army troops and the PSLF/TNLA. The group continues to play an active role in the region’s complex political landscape, striving to advance its goals for ethnic equality and self-determination.
Financing System
The TNLA’s seizure and control of the Pa Laung Self-administered Zone provide them with the opportunity to partake in legal businesses and economic endeavors within their jurisdiction. Additionally, their control over a substantial border region with China could yield significant benefits through trade taxation. Moreover, the group’s efforts against the drug trade indicate potential revenue generation from seizing and eradicating narcotics.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Hsipaw
- Kyaukme
- Lashio
- Manton
- Muse
- Mogoke
Control townships
- Kutkai
- Namkhan
- Namhsan
- Namtu
SSPP: Shan State Progress Party
SSA: Shan State Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
1964 April
Number of personnel:
11000
Member:
FPNCC (Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee)
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
AA, TNLA, MNDAA, KIA, UWSA, NDAA
Background
The Shan State Progress Party (SSPP), also known as the Shan State Army (SSA) – North, was formed in 1971 and is based in the northern Shan State town of Wan Hai. The SSPP has been a significant player in the region’s armed conflicts and political landscape. Over the years, it has engaged in various peace processes and ceasefire agreements with different stakeholders.
Current Status
As of recent developments, the SSPP/SSA has declared a truce with the Restoration Council of Shan State/Shan State Army (RCSS/SSA), the other major ethnic Shan armed group in Myanmar. This truce was announced amid significant changes in the military situation in Shan State, particularly due to the anti-regime offensive. The SSPP/SSA and RCSS/SSA, with 10,000 and 8,000 troops respectively, have expressed intentions to unite in the future but are first focusing on building trust through collaboration and joint efforts. This truce agreement includes provisions for prisoner exchanges, mutual notification of troop movements, discussions on troop deployment, and regular bilateral meetings between the two groups. Additionally, the SSPP/SSA is closely associated with the Brotherhood Alliance, a coalition of ethnic armed groups conducting coordinated attacks against Myanmar’s military in northern Shan State.
Financing System
Under the financial system of the SSPP, funding for its army will be secured through a range of activities. These include taxation on the populace under their jurisdiction, mining of natural resources, cultivation of poppy plants, and involvement in drug trafficking.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Hsipaw
- Kutkai
- Kyethi
- Kyaukme
- Lawksawk
- Monauk
- Monghsu
- Namtu
- Namhkam
Control townships
—
ULA: United League of Arakan
AA: Arakan Army
Anti-SAC
Founded Date:
2009 April
Number of personnel:
30000
Member
Northern Three Brotherhood Alliance
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
TNLA, MNDAA, KIA, UWSA, NDAA, SSPP, NUG
Background
The Arakan Army (AA) is an ethnic armed organization based in Rakhine State, Myanmar, founded on April 10, 2009. It serves as the military wing of the United League of Arakan (ULA) and is led by Commander-in-Chief Major General Twan Mrat Naing. The AA’s armed revolution aims to restore the sovereignty of the Arakan people, with a significant troop presence in Chin State, Rakhine State, Kachin State, and Shan State. The group has engaged in various conflicts and alliances within the complex landscape of Myanmar’s civil war.
Current Status
As of February 2024, the Arakan Army has grown to an estimated 38,000 troops according to its leader, Twan Mrat Naing. However, experts suggest a more conservative estimate of around 15,000 troops across different regions. The AA has been actively involved in conflicts with state security forces and has played a crucial role in the power dynamics of northern Rakhine State. The group has engaged in state-building efforts and humanitarian activities amidst the civil unrest in Myanmar.
The Arakan Army is part of the Three Brotherhood Alliance formed in June 2019. This alliance includes the AA along with the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) and the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA). The Three Brotherhood Alliance operates in regions like Chin State, Shan State, Rakhine State, and along the borders with Bangladesh and China. This coalition has been involved in joint operations and strategic offensives within Myanmar.
Financing System
The ULA/AA makes local businesses, communities, and people pay taxes and fees if they live in areas the ULA/AA controls. It’s been said that even before the ULA/AA took over any land in Rakhine, people are willingly paid taxes. The ULA/AA may conduct fundraising campaigns among ethnic Arakanese communities, both within Myanmar and abroad. But it is not clear how much the ULA/AA is involved in illegal activities like drug trafficking, cutting down trees illegally, and sneaking things across borders.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Ann
- Buthidaung
- Bhamo
- Hopang
- Katha
- Kutkai
- Laukkaing
- Mogoke
- Muse
- Myebon
- Myitkyina
- Rathedaung
- Sittwe
Control townships
- Kyauktaw
- Minbya
- Mrauk-U
- Paletwa
- Pauktaw
- Ponnagyun
- Ramree
Pro-SAC Stakeholders
BGF: Border Guard Forces
Pro-SAC
Founded Date:
2009 April
Number of personnel:
8000
Member:
–
Current Status:
Alliances with SAC
Alliances:
SAC
Background
The Border Guard Forces (BGF) in Myanmar are militarized units that were established as part of a military strategy to pacify ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) in the late 2000s. These forces, under the command of the Myanmar military, are strategically positioned along the Chinese and Thai frontiers in areas adjacent to territories controlled by ethnic armed groups. The BGFs play a crucial role in the military’s counter-insurgency efforts, serving as a force multiplier against major EAOs by providing battlefield intelligence, logistics support, and troops.
The BGF leaders have close ties with the ruling junta and are granted autonomy to engage in illicit business activities, which include establishing corporate conglomerates across Myanmar. These enterprises generate funds that support the military regime’s control and influence over the population. Among the BGFs, the Kokang Border Guard Force holds particular significance due to its control of the Kokang Special Administrative Zone and its ties to local Chinese Communist Party officials.
On the Thai border, the Karen BGF is a key player, controlling a vital logistics corridor into Thailand and expanding its influence through alliances with criminal networks. While the BGFs may not be as well-known as the EAOs, understanding their role is essential in assessing the junta’s violent campaign to maintain control. The BGFs’ connections into neighboring countries like China and Thailand facilitate the spread of junta propaganda and contribute to transnational criminal activities.
Overall, the BGFs in Myanmar represent a complex network of militarized units that have evolved from former ethnic insurgents to become integral components of the military’s strategy to suppress armed resistance and maintain control over border regions. Their alliances, illicit activities, and strategic positioning along key border areas underscore their significance in the country’s political landscape and the ongoing conflict dynamics.
Current Status
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Financing System
The BGF might get money from the Myanmar government since they are recognized and backed by the government. This money could be used for things like running their operations, paying their staff, and building infrastructure. Also, they might make local businesses, communities, and people pay taxes or fees. Recently, there are many new Chinese businesses being set up through agreements between these businesses and the BGF. The BGF could make a lot of money or taxes from these businesses.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Myawaddy
- Hpapun
- Bawlake
- Maungdaw
- Tanintharyi
- Bokpyin
- Myeik
- Dawei
Control townships
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Pyu Saw Htee
Pro-SAC
Founded Date:
–
Number of personnel:
–
Member:
Supported by SAC
Current Status:
Fighting against PDFs and EAOs
Alliances:
–
The Pyu Saw Htee militias have been used by the military regime to suppress resistance and maintain control, particularly in areas where the military faces strong opposition. These militias have been instrumental in supporting the military’s efforts against anti-coup movements and have been linked to violent coercion, fear-mongering, and extremist ideologies.
Background
The Pyu Saw Htee group takes its name from a legendary king from the early Bagan dynasty and was first formed in 1955 as a people’s militia to fight insurgents, although it was dissolved two years later.
The concept of Pyu Saw Htee re-emerged after the 2021 coup to describe a network of ultra-nationalists and later armed by SAC, countering the anti-coup resistance. The militias have been increasingly doing the Military’s work in fighting against the People’s Defence Force, particularly in the Sagaing Region.
Ideology
The Pyu Saw Htee militias are characterized by anti-Islam sentiments, Buddhist nationalism, and ultranationalism. They view the Military as the protector of the nation, race, and religion, and support the Military to ensure the maintenance of traditional roles and values. The militias are aligned with right-wing to far-right political positions and are known for their violent tactics in supporting the military regime.
Current Status
The Pyu Saw Htee militias have been supported by ultra-nationalist monks like U Warthawa, who have played a key role in organizing and legitimizing these pro-junta militias. These militias have been armed with rifles by the military, trained directly by the Military, and organized under the patronage of monks like U Warthawa. The Pyu Saw Htee groups have been involved in violent activities, including arresting, or killing civilians, burning villages, and forcing people to flee their homes in regions like Sagaing.
Financing System
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SNA: Shanni Nationalities Army
Pro-SAC
Founded Date:
2016 January
Number of personnel:
1000
Member:
–
Current Status:
Fighting along with SAC
Alliances:
SAC
Background
The Shanni Nationalities Army (SNA) is a Shanni insurgent group that operates in northern Sagaing Region and Kachin State, Myanmar. Founded in 1989, the SNA transformed into an armed group in January 2016 by expelled Shanni members of the Kachin Independence Organization. The SNA’s objectives include gaining statehood, fighting against drugs, establishing a federal union, promoting unity among all Shan sub-groups, and conserving ecological balance.
Current Status
The SNA has been actively involved in the Myanmar civil war, particularly aligning with the military junta as conflicts with groups like the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) escalated. In 2022, the SNA collaborated with the junta in operations that led to the burning of homes in Kachin State and forced KIA withdrawal from certain areas. The group has engaged in various clashes and alliances as part of the complex dynamics of the civil war.
The SNA has shown a preference for aligning with the military junta, actively participating in joint operations that have targeted opposition groups like the KIA. This alignment has led to increased tensions and conflicts with other ethnic armed organizations in Myanmar. The SNA’s collaboration with the junta has shaped its role and actions within the broader context of the civil war.
Financing System
The primary financial sources for the SNA encompass taxation, lawful and unlawful enterprises, as well as involvement in narcotics trafficking.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Bhamo
- Homalin
- Hopang
- Katha
- Mogaung
- Mohnyin
Control townships
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Standalone
LDU: Lahu Democratic Union
No Armed Wing
Standalone
Founded Date:
–
Number of personnel:
–
Member:
United National Federal Union (UNFU)
Current Status:
Fighting against SAC
Alliances:
–
Background
The Lahu Unity Party (LPU), established on January 1, 1973, served as the precursor to the Lahu Demoka Day Union (LDU). In 1987, the LPU underwent a name change, becoming the Lahu National Organization (LNO). Subsequently, in 1997, it underwent another renaming, this time emerging as the Lahu Democratic Front (LDF). Following this evolution, the Lahu Democratic Union (LDU) was established through the Lahu National Conference convened in April 2008.
As a member of the United National Federal Council (UNFC), the LDU actively engaged in peace negotiations during the administration of U Thein Sein. However, despite its participation, it was excluded from signing the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) due to its non-armed status.
Throughout the tenure of the NLD government, the LDU continued its dialogue with the Government Peace Commission, eventually signing the NCA on February 13, 2018.
Current Status
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Financing System
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PSC: Peace and Solidarity Committee
NDAA: National Democratic Alliance Army
Standalone
Founded Date:
1989
Number of personnel:
5000
Member:
FPNCC (Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee)
Current Status:
Cease fire with SAC
Alliances:
MNDAA, UWSA. TNLA
Background
The National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) was established on March 11, 1989, after splitting from the Communist Party of Burma (CPB). Based in the Kokang Special Region (1) in Shan State, the NDAA has maintained a ceasefire agreement with the military government since its inception. Over the years, the NDAA has been involved in peace talks and alliances with various ethnic armed groups in Myanmar. The group has a significant presence in territories like Monekoe in Kokang and other townships in Shan State.
Current Status
In recent years, the NDAA has been actively engaged in peace initiatives and conflict resolution efforts in Myanmar. The group participated in informal meetings between members of the Northern Alliance and the State Administration Council (SAC). Despite facing challenges like leadership changes and clashes with the military, the NDAA remains committed to peace-building efforts and autonomy discussions for the Kokang region. The NDAA’s involvement in alliances and joint statements with other ethnic armed groups reflects its ongoing role in Myanmar’s political landscape.
The NDAA is part of several alliances that shape its strategic position and influence in Myanmar. It is a member of the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC), led by the United Wa State Party/United Wa Army (UWSA). Additionally, the NDAA has formed strong military alliances with groups like the Palaung State Liberation Front/Ta’ang National Liberation Army (PSLF/TNLA). These alliances enable the NDAA to coordinate efforts, issue joint statements, and work towards common goals such as supporting local defense forces during conflicts with the military council.
Financing System
The NDAA primarily fund their activities through cross-border trade with China and they have been associated with the drug trade. The NDAA also have ties with the Kokang Border Guard Force, which is involved in various businesses, including jade mines in Kachin State, a coal mine in Sagaing, a cement factory in Kokang, a billion-dollar new city project in Mandalay, a sugarcane farm near Lashio, and multiple import-export companies central to the China-Myanmar border commerce, including the sugar trade, over which Fully Light holds a monopoly. And NDAA also raise funding by imposing taxes on local public and their famous Casino businesses.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
—
Control townships
- Mongyang
- Mongla
- Mongyawng
RCSS: Restoration Council of Shan State
Standalone
Founded Date:
1996 January
Number of personnel:
8000
Member:
PPST (Peace Process Steering Team)
Current Status:
Cease fire with SAC
Alliances:
Member of PPST (Peace Process Steering Team)
Background
The Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) traces its origins back to 1996 when it was founded by Yawd Serk, a prominent Shan military leader. Initially known as the Shan United Revolutionary Army (SURA), the group underwent a significant transformation in 1999, adopting the name RCSS. This change marked a pivotal moment in the organization’s history, solidifying its role as a key political entity representing Shan interests in Myanmar.
The formation of RCSS stemmed from a split within the Mong Tai Army/Shan State Restoration Council (MTA/SSRC), a group led by the infamous Khun Sa. Yawd Serk’s faction sought to rejuvenate support among former MTA members and establish a distinct identity focused on advocating for Shan autonomy and rights within the country.
Over the years, RCSS has been actively engaged in various peace negotiations and conflicts within Shan State, navigating complex relationships with other ethnic armed groups and the central government. The organization’s history is marked by both cooperation and contention, reflecting the intricate dynamics of Myanmar’s ethnic landscape.
Current Status
In the aftermath of the military coup on February 1, 2021, RCSS found itself facing renewed challenges as the Tatmadaw violated ceasefire agreements by launching attacks on RCSS camps in Hsipaw Township. This escalation of hostilities underscored the fragile nature of peace agreements in Myanmar and highlighted the ongoing struggle for stability in conflict-affected regions like Shan State.
Despite these setbacks, RCSS has continued its efforts to navigate the complex political landscape of Myanmar. In November 2023, amidst escalating tensions and conflicts between ethnic armed groups in Shan State, RCSS and its rival, the Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP), declared a ceasefire. This development signaled a potential shift towards de-escalation and dialogue, offering a glimmer of hope for peace in the region.
As RCSS moves forward, it remains a key player in Myanmar’s peace process, balancing its military activities with diplomatic efforts aimed at securing greater autonomy and rights for the Shan people. The organization’s resilience and commitment to advocating for Shan interests reflect its enduring significance in shaping the future of Myanmar’s ethnic politics.
Financing System
RCSS has always stated that it intends to raise money as a state would lawfully raise money: rents from natural resources and sale of assets, taxes, and donations.
RCSS finds mining to be its most lucrative venture. To bolster revenue, RCSS has decided to increase taxes by permitting mining operations from Myanmar mainland, China, and Thailand. The spectrum of mining activities encompasses both legal and illegal practices, tapping into valuable resources such as Uarian and Plutonium, which are rare and highly profitable.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Kyaukme
- Kunhing
- Lawksawk
- Mongkaing
- Mongnai
- Mongpan
- Monghsat
- Mawkmai
- Mongton
- Namhsan
Control townships
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RSLP: Rakhine State Liberation Party
ALA: Arakan Liberation Army
Standalone
Founded Date:
1968 Nov
Number of personnel:
100
Member:
PPST (Peace Process Steering Team)
Current Status:
Ceasefire with SAC
Alliances:
–
Background
The Arakan Liberation Party/Arakan Liberation Army (ALP/ALA) is a significant ethnic armed group in Myanmar, particularly active in Rakhine State. Founded in 1968, the ALA serves as the armed wing of the ALP, which signed a bilateral ceasefire agreement with the Burmese government in April 2012. The ALP/ALA has been involved in the armed struggle for greater autonomy and rights for the Rakhine people. The ALP/ALA’s historical background is rooted in the quest for self-determination and political representation for the Rakhine community, reflecting a long-standing desire for independence and recognition within Myanmar’s complex political landscape.
Current Status
ALP/ALA has been engaged in ongoing conflict and negotiations with the central government. The ALP/ALA signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) in 2015, demonstrating a commitment to peaceful dialogue and resolution of the conflict. The ALP/ALA’s activities have been focused on advocating for the rights and interests of the Rakhine people, seeking greater political autonomy and representation within Myanmar. The ALP/ALA’s involvement in the peace process and ceasefire agreements reflects its strategic approach to achieving its goals through peaceful means while maintaining its armed capabilities.
Financing System
Since they are a small and weak group, they don’t have a proper or organized way to get money. But because they have made peace and have good relationships with the State Administration Council (SAC), they can run legal businesses in certain cities like Sittwe and Yangon. They might use the money they make from these businesses to fund their organization. Additionally, they could get some money from Rakhine communities in Myanmar and from Rakhine people living in other countries. They do this by asking for donations, holding events, and reaching out to Rakhine people abroad to contribute money.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Sittwe
- Mrauk-U
- Myawaddy
Control townships
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UWSP: United Wa State Party
UWSA: United Wa State Army
Standalone
Founded Date:
1989 Nov
Number of personnel:
33000
Member:
FPNCC (Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee)
Current Status:
Ceasefire with SAC
Alliances:
KIA, MNDAA, NDAA, TNLA, AA, SSPP
Background
The United Wa State Army/Party (UWSA/UWSP), commonly known as the Wa, is one of the most powerful ethnic armed groups in Myanmar. The UWSA/UWSP has a significant historical background, originating from the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) disintegration in the late 1980s. The Wa people, primarily residing in the Wa Self-Administered Division in Shan State, formed the UWSA because of the CPB’s collapse, establishing a de facto autonomous region under their control. The UWSA/UWSP has maintained a strong military presence and political influence in the region, making it a key player in Myanmar’s complex political landscape.
Current Status
UWSA/UWSP continues to hold considerable power and authority within the Wa region. The group operates as both an armed force and a political entity, governing the Wa territory with its own administration and security apparatus. The UWSA/UWSP has been involved in various ceasefire agreements with the Myanmar government, allowing for a degree of autonomy in their region while maintaining a level of independence from central government control.
Financing System
The financing of the UWSA/UWSP is a complex issue, as the group has been linked to various economic activities, including jade mining, logging, and drug trafficking. These illicit activities have provided significant financial resources to the UWSP/UWSA, enabling them to sustain their military operations and maintain their influence in the region. Additionally, the UWSA/UWSP has been known to receive support from external sources, including international partners and alliances, which have contributed to their financial stability and operational capacity.
Operation Townships and Control townships
Operation townships
- Matman
- Mongmao
- Mongyawng
- Narphan
- Tachileik
Control townships
- Hopang
- Mongton
- Panghsang